Japan's secret pact with U.S. spurs debate
Prime
Minister Yukio Hatoyama has created a panel to investigate Japan's role
in a decades-old secret pact allowing nuclear-armed U.S. vessels to
dock at Japanese ports, against Japanese laws.
By John M. Glionna
January 17, 2010
Reporting from Kyoto, Japan
Professor
Koji Murata likes to ask his political science students a tough policy
question: Is it ever proper for a government to lie to its constituents?
Class opinions vary, but Murata, a scholar of international security
issues at Doshisha University in Kyoto, has his own view.
"I
think it's OK to lie to the public for the public good," he said. "As
long as what you say is not contrary to national intent, really
important secrets must be kept."
The philosophical question has
gained urgency in the wake of revelations here of a decades-old secret
pact between Tokyo and Washington that allowed nuclear-armed U.S.
vessels to dock at Japanese ports, despite laws here against it.
For
40 years, the government denied the existence of the 1969 agreement
between President Nixon and Prime Minister Eisaku Sato, the architect
of Japan's post-World War II pacifism and staunch antinuclear policies.
Successive
Japanese administrations were wary of a public outcry in a nation that
suffered two devastating nuclear attacks 65 years ago.
Days
after he took office in September, however, Prime Minister Yukio
Hatoyama assigned a panel of government officials and historians to
investigate Japan's role in the agreement.
Since the end of the Cold War, nuclear-armed U.S. ships have stopped
docking in Japan, officials say.
The
findings, due out this month, could further complicate a tense standoff
between Hatoyama and the Obama administration over Japan's calls for
the removal of a controversial U.S. military presence on the southern
island of Okinawa.
"This revelation makes maintaining a stable
alliance even more challenging," said Carl Baker, director of programs
at the Center for Strategic and International Studies' Pacific Forum.
Many
Japanese applauded Hatoyama's effort to create a more open government
but said they felt betrayed by leaders who had publicly railed against
nuclear arms, only to secretly acquiesce to the demands of a powerful
nation.
Some are particularly incensed that the deal was struck
with the United States, which dropped the atomic bombs on Nagasaki and
Hiroshima at the end of World War II, killing as many as 220,000 people.
Bloggers have ridiculed Sato's 1974 Nobel Peace Prize, calling Japan's
longest-serving postwar prime minister a hypocrite.
As
she boarded a train home to Tokyo recently, Aikiko Shiono said she felt
betrayed by the pact and the government stonewalling.
"Japan
is the only country on Earth to suffer the devastation of a nuclear
bomb," said Shiono, who works for a political think tank. "We shouldn't
allow nuclear weapons to enter our country. We have to keep advocating
to the world how Nagasaki and Hiroshima were a tragedy. To do otherwise
is an insult to the victims."
Sitting a few seats ahead, Shiono's father said he disagreed.
"There
are things the government has to hide from us," said Kenji Kobori, 60.
"They have to make some tough decisions. Some of those have to remain
secret."
The agreement, which scholars say violates a Japanese
law forbidding nuclear weapons from being made, possessed or stored on
this country's territory, was made public by American officials after
the U.S. military stopped sending nuclear-armed ships to Japan in 1991.
Despite the U.S. government's admission, Japanese leaders continued to
deny that there was such a pact.
"They
did not exist," then-Prime Minister Taro Aso said during a nationally
televised news conference last year in response to a reporter's query
about the pact and revealing documents.
The deal restoring
Okinawa to Japanese sovereignty reportedly hinged, in its secret
portions, on the U.S. retaining the right to dock nuclear warships at
the base in case of emergency.
Security analysts were divided over Japan's handling of the secret
agreement.
"I
think it's always useful for citizens to know what their government is
up to, even decades after the fact," said Jerome Cohen, a legal expert
at the New York University School of Law. "We learn what to do for the
future from our mistakes of the past."
Baker said the issue was more complex than learning a history lesson.
"Is it useful to bring out information about this pact now? These kinds
of things are never useful when it comes to national security."
He
said the revelation could play a role as Tokyo and Washington hammer
out a deal on a new location for a controversial U.S. Marine Corps air
station on Okinawa.
"This is another thorn to deal with, on top
of everything else between the two nations," Baker said. "Part of me
says that, like it or not, history has to be revealed. But how far do
you take it? At what point do you trade off national security for full
disclosure? Should we start disclosing past CIA operations? We know
they existed.
"It's a tough issue. There's just no easy answer."
One former Japanese government official said that such secrets are kept
by all nations.
"It isn't just Japan," said the former ambassador, who requested
anonymity because of the sensitivity of the issue.
The
ambassador said Sato was empowered to enter into such a deal to help
Japan secure the return of Okinawa. But he said the deal should have
been made public years ago.
"It was a lie, and they should have corrected it after the Cold War
ended and the U.S. nuclear ships stopped coming," he said.
Murata,
the political science professor, says the debate will continue in his
classes as to how Japan should treat U.S. nuclear vessels in the future.
"It
was a betrayal and it went on for decades," he said. "Now the
government has finally come clean. But the question remains: With an
unstable North Korea, how do we assist our closest ally without a
secret pact?"
Copyright
2010 Los Angeles Times